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AB Dışişleri ve Güvenlik Ortak Politikası Yüksek Temsilcisi High Representative For The EU Common Foreign And Security Policy European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) and Its Social Basis The changes we have witnessed in Europe over the last fifty years have been remarkable. They allow us to stand with great hope at the beginning of a new century. Ten or fifteen years ago I would have been less sanguine. We had been living then for decades with a Europe divided in two. Nowhere was that clearer than here. The end of the Cold War brought about a reunified Germany, a reunified Europe, a process which is now being consolidated through the enlargement of the European Union to include the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. This process of enlargement will increase still further influence and responsibilities of the European Union. Over the next few years the EU to include nearly thirty countries, with a population of over 500 million, more than twice that of the US and four times that of Japan. It will mean that when we speak with one voice, we will have much more influence in the world. The fundamental principles of the Union, providing basic guarantees of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, will continue to govern the operation of an enlarged Union and play an increasingly important role in our relations with the rest of the world. Nor should we forget the impact of globalisation and modern communication. The information revolution has brought news from the other side of the world in real time into everyone's homes. Too often we see only tragic events: wars, conflicts, humanitarian disasters, famine and crises. There is then the familiar cry that something must be done. I welcome this. I find tremendous encouragement in the fact that Europeans, with all their comforts and prosperity, can still be moved by the sufferings of others with whom their only contact is that of the bond of humanity. So it is only natural that, with these changes, we must look at whether we have the right instruments for developing and prosecuting an effective European foreign and security policy. But we also need to take account of our own fundamental security needs. For it is natural for the human race to crave security. We can only live out our lives to the full if we operate within a framework which offers us security. And that security takes many forms. It means freedom from aggression, from persecution, from hunger and deprivation. Security also operates at many levels. No individual is secure if the society in which he or she lives is riven by insecurity. The world is only secure if nation states are at ease with each other. All these issues are directly relevant for Europe, and for how we manage Europe in the twenty-first century. A key challenge to our security is instability. Instability cannot be seen as separate to the circumstances in which populations live. Our goal must be to help disadvantaged peoples achieve freedom from hunger, deprivation and marginalisation. Those who are desperate will sometimes take drastic measures to ensure their survival. Often they have little to lose. Their security and our security depend on proper and sustainable development, founded on respect for basic human rights. It depends on them being given the opportunity to integrate into, and benefit from, the world economy. Tackling scourges such as trafficking in human beings, the cultivation and production of drugs and the terrible effects of AIDS depends in the first instance on addressing the root economic causes. Instability, conflict and deprivation also lead people to flee their own countries. And who can blame them? Which one of us would not do the same, for ourselves and for our families? But this also raises huge challenges for Europe. The integration of refugees and the degree to which we accept economic migrants are difficult issues. These problems are on our doorstep. The population projections for Europe on the one hand and North Africa on the other speak for themselves. These are issues which if we do not address now will create potential instability and insecurity for years to come. It is this that leads me to our efforts to put in place a really effective Common Foreign and Security Policy. We are extending security in Europe, building a Union with a greater capacity and responsibility to act on the world stage and responding to the challenges of globalisation. In doing so we must be able to provide security for our own peoples, to protect and promote our interests and values and to respond to international crisis and challenges to a peaceful international order. Clearly prevention is better that cure, hence the major emphasis the Union places on conflict prevention. And in the last two years we have taken steps to ensure that our substantial existing civilian crisis management capabilities will be backed by the capacity to use military crisis management means The Union's new security and defence policy will fill a gap in the instruments available to us. It will bring together both military and civilian capabilities, and is designed to give us the option, should we choose to do so, of intervening in crisis management operations. It could take the form of intervention in humanitarian disasters, where troops might be required to deliver aid or rescue civilians. Or it could involve peacekeeping, similar to what is already being done in the Balkans, or ultimately even peace enforcement. We have no intention of operating exclusively. In many cases our objectives will coincide with those of our allies. But the development of a European Security and Defence Policy means that the EU can take responsibility for its own security when others such as NATO are not engaged. An inclusive approach means developing close operational links with NATO. It also means being open to others being able to participate in and contribute to an operation once the decision has been taken to launch it. It means working closely with the UN, which is itself looking to reform the management of its peacekeeping operations, and with the OSCE, principally on how to cooperate on the deployment of civilian capabilities. All these elements are an integral part of our policy. Our immediate goal is to be able to deploy rapidly up to 60,000 troops for crisis management operations. The force would be made up of contributions from Member States, acting together. Decisions to deploy would be taken by the governments of member States, who would be accountable to their own citizens and Parliaments. The target is not a simple one. Our work shows that a number of important capabilities, such as strategic transport, are still lacking and this will require governments to commit greater resources to the endeavour. As well as adding military capabilities to our crisis management goals, we have been working hard to improve our civilian instruments, developing police capabilities, civil defence and our capacity to strengthen the rule of law and civil administration in crisis situations. The commitment to ESDP and crisis management approach already commands astonishing public support. A recent Eurobarometer poll found that the CFSP and European Defence is one of the most popular of all European policies. I think the origin can be found by recalling what I said earlier: we are essentially a values based society. The Union is bound together by common principles providing guarantees of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Our citizens, having enjoyed these rights themselves are justly moved when they see them trampled abroad and ready to support efforts to resolve crises. It is no accident that the Union is the largest provider in the world of development assistance and humanitarian aid. It is no accident that the countries of the European Union provide 70% of the troops keeping the peace in Kosovo and Bosnia. It is no accident that European forces contribute to every one of the UN's 15 peacekeeping operations. Germany is An important player in these fields: a major provider to European aid efforts and a key contributor to SFOR and KFOR. I welcome too the discussion of a NATO role in fYROM. The Alliance has made a powerful commitment to peace and stability in the Balkans. We must have the strength to see it through in fYROM, where the European Union and NATO are working closely together to promote a political settlement and bring to an end an insurgent campaign. Our militaries do not serve themselves. They do not exist for their own sake. They are anchored into our societies and responsive to the values of those societies. At a time when we see force being used illegitimately in many cases, including in the Balkans, it is worth recalling that our armed forces exist to serve the interests of all our citizens and not just one or other ethnic minority. We have reached this point as a consequence of our history. The historic achievement of the European Union has been its success in creating a new condition in Europe and in fostering reconciliation in a continent hithern to plagued by conflict. We have a duty to bring that peace and prosperity to others. That is the goal of our enlargement process. It is the goal of the Stabilisation and Association process that we have initiated in the Balkans and it is the goal of ESDP and our crisis management efforts. Dr. JAVIER SOLANA: "AVRUPA GÜVENLİK VE SAVUNMA POLİTİKASI (ESDP) VE BU POLİTİKANIN TOPLUMSAL TEMELİ" Son 50 yılda Avrupa'da yeni bir yüzyıla umutla bakmamıza neden olan büyük değişikliklere tanık olduk. Genişleme süreci AB'nin etki ve sorumluluklarını daha da arttıracak. Önümüzdeki bir kaç yıl içinde, AB yaklaşık 30 ülkeyi bünyesinde toplamış olacak. Birliğin özgürlük, demokrasi ve insan haklarına saygıdan oluşan temel ilkelerinin dünyanın geri kalan kısmıyla ilişkilerimizde oynadığı rol giderek artacak. Küreselleşme ve çağdaş iletişimin etkilerini de unutmamalıyız. Tüm bu değişiklikler tabiatıyla bizi temel güvenlik gereksinmelerimizi düşünmeye itiyor. Bu güvenlik, saldırı, zulüm, açlık ve yokluktan korunmak anlamına geliyor. Güvenliğimizi tehdit eden en önemli unsurlardan birisi dengesizlik. Çaresiz insanlar bazen hayatta kalabilmek için tehlikeli yollara başvurabilirler. Bu mağdur kişilere yardım etmeyi amaç edinmeliyiz. Dengesizlik, kavga ve yokluk kişileri ülkelerini terketmeye de zorlayabilir. Onları suçlayamayız. Ancak bu durum Avrupa için büyük sorunlar yaratmakta. Bütün bunlar konuyu gerçekten etkili bir Ortak Dış İlişkiler ve Güvenlik Politikası yaratma çabalarımıza getiriyor. Avrupa güvenliğini genişleterek, dünya meselelerinde sorumluluk alabilecek ve küreselleşmenin getirdiği tehlikelerle başa çıkabilecek bir Birlik inşa ediyoruz. Birliğin yeni güven ve savunma politikası, askeri ve sivil becerileri bir araya getirerek, gerektiğinde ve istersek kriz yönetim operasyonlarına müdahale edebilmemizi sağlayacak. Bu barış ve refahı başkalarıyla paylaşmak bizim görevimiz. Genişleme sürecimizin amacı da bu. Balkanlar'da başlattığımız İstikrar ve Ortaklık süresinin ve ESDP'nin ve bizim kriz yönetim çabalarımızın amacı da bu. Spot: We have a duty to bring that peace and prosperity to others |